Fevzi Namli 20250112
The national awareness of the true Kurdish nation, its soul, and national dignity, on every Kurd, is based on this principle: the national responsibilities and the security of the Kurdish land are above all organizations, presidents, and Kurdish leaders, it is higher and more victorious.
From the beginning of 2024 until the end of the year, war broke out between Iran and Israel. Despite the aerial strikes between Iran and Israel, the ground war, specifically between Israel and Iran’s (proxy) forces, began and did not stop: in Palestine-Gaza Hamas, in Lebanon Hezbollah-Shia, in Yemen Houthi-Shia, and in Syria, Shia forces connected to Iran and Hezbollah became war forces, opposing Israel. The war did not end completely, Israel succeeded and Iran was defeated in the Eastern Near East region, especially in the area of conflict. Also, during the war process in Syria, the BEAS-Assad regime collapsed and Islamic forces (jihadist-salafist attackers and killers of the Kurdish people) are bloodthirsty, with the support of the Turkish government, trying to become rulers.
From the beginning of the war process, the fall of the BEAS regime, and the continuation of the war until now, it is a critical issue for the Kurds of Rojava Kurdistan, the rise of organization and the general Kurdish unity in the entire Kurdistan. This issue: efforts and discussions about unification of the Kurdish movement in Rojava Kurdistan with major activities became the day of the Kurdish people. The impact of this effort on the position and national awareness, throughout Kurdistan, is heard.
The mainstream media, civil society, and all Kurdish communication channels, discussions about the unification of the Kurds, are widely welcomed and support activists. Not only Kurds, but also all the invaders of Kurdistan, events in the region, and possible consequences of them, which can have an impact on their government’s solution, will be closely observed. It is predicted that the changes in the Eastern Near East and especially the events in Syria will bring significant changes to the region; the state borders will change and some states may collapse. Also, the invading states of Kurdistan also predict that the continuation of the war in the borders of conflict will not stop. The war will expand and may affect beyond their borders as well. This scenario is tied to them. To prepare for this scenario, all their forces are trying to influence the environment, focus, and aim of this war process so that the Kurds in this process do not become an important political actor, and national objectives are not achieved. Turkey, in the face of this scenario, is very active in Syria and in the region, both politically-diplomatically and militarily. Turkey tries to use this unstable and fragile situation in the region as an opportunity to strengthen its own position and expand its influence. Therefore, the Turkish state sees the war process as a critical risk event, but at the same time an opportunity to expand its influence, escalate, and according to it, manage it.
For a person to understand, it is necessary to evaluate and interpret how Kurds perceive the goals and objectives of this process, and what hopes they have from it. A person must reflect on the approach, relationships, and their messages, and examine them critically and analytically.
It is important for a person, in the first phase, to assess the significant issue of the efforts of the organizations of Rojava Kurdistan (ENKS and PYNK) to unite Kurdish forces and the potential outcome of this. One can evaluate the positions and actions to date and provide an analysis. Unfortunately, both forces have failed to unite, as they have become embroiled in hatred and resentment from past conflicts, positioning themselves against each other. National and state interests interfere with individual and organizational aspirations. ENKS, aligned with the Southern Kurdistan PDK, and PYNK, aligned with the PKK (Öcalan and Qandil), both direct their efforts against Kurdish national interests, the invading states, and specifically the Turkish state. This position forms an obstacle to the efforts for unity among Kurdish forces and national solidarity.
Unfortunately, the stance and actions of ENKS and PYNK, in practice, continue to harm national relations and the security of Rojava Kurdistan; the relationship between leaders, their organizations, and their dealings with international relations and state security become more focused on their own national interests. As a result, there is a harsh, destructive, and divisive mentality and stance among many leaders of these organizations, which has created an atmosphere of misunderstanding, antagonism, and hatred between people and organizations, dominating political relationships. Out of respect for national interests, they should come together and show respect for each other. Their animosity, hatred, and divisions prevent the unity of Kurdish forces and impede their efforts for mutual solidarity. For example: ENKS demands that the PKK leave Rojava Kurdistan; this is a Turkish request. PYNK also promotes “the unity of the people”, “democratic federation”, and “democratic nation”, with a message from A. Öcalan. In my opinion, one of the objectives behind the timely and current revival of Öcalan’s message is to create a dark screen for delaying the current issue and its practical aspects in efforts to unite Kurdish forces in Rojava Kurdistan. It is no coincidence that both the PKK media and the Turkish state are very active and outspoken in discussing this message and are working hard to convince the Kurdish public that this message is central to their relations.
What is strange is that, in the demands of ENKS and PYNK, there are no rights or national interests of the Kurdish people involved. The demands of ENKS and PYNK, contrary to Kurdish national interests, are focused on maintaining relations with all occupying states, particularly Turkey. This means that for the Kurds to remain subjugated and without rights, they must be enemies with each other and remain under the occupation of invaders. Unfortunately, and despite difficulty, people must accept that the truth lies in their willingness and the reality of the practical measures taken on the ground. The truth of the matter is this: the positions of both forces at this stage and their practical actions serve to protect the interests of the invaders of Kurdistan.
The hostility of Kurdish forces against each other and towards their common enemy is not a new phenomenon, as it has historical roots. This conflict began during the time of the Ottoman Empire and the Safavid period. After the destruction of the Kurdish leadership and people, many rebellious religious groups, fighting for their own territorial, social, and economic powers, cooperated with the occupying invaders to their own advantage; a condition of severe illness, helplessness, and a cursed inheritance was left for Kurdish leaders.
The process of political oppression aimed at the denial and elimination of the Kurdish nation and Kurdistan began in the twentieth century, particularly with the implementation of the Treaty of Lausanne (1923). Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria, with the assistance of colonial powers, divided Kurdistan. The occupiers sought to maintain their dominance over Kurdistan by denying two vital issues for the Kurds and for the Kurdish nation. These were: First, the Kurds should not have the right to form national, political, linguistic, and cultural organizations, nor to create national institutions and entities; and second, the Kurds should not have national, economic, or cultural relations across the regions of Kurdistan. The goal of this genocidal policy: the denial and elimination of the Kurdish nation and Kurdistan. The objective of this policy: the Kurds should not have national consciousness and a Kurdish stance; they should not pursue national liberation and national rights, and therefore, they should be divided, lose respect for each other, and, in the face of their enemy, should not find unity.
Throughout history, the occupying states have achieved partial success with their genocidal policies. For example: Kurdish leaders and lords, for the sake of resistance and the sovereignty of the occupiers in Kurdistan, have, in various wars, allied with the enemy forces, and in their battle against Kurds, the Kurdish lords sided with the occupiers. For example: the lords of Ardelan, Baban, and many others. Many leaders of the Qadiri and Naqshbandi orders have also been collaborators and their influence continues to this day. Many Kurdish rulers and leaders have fought alongside enemy forces like the Hamidiye, Jash, and Cerdevan (gendarmerie) forces, participating in the occupation of Kurdish lands and fighting against their fellow Kurds.
This corrupt mentality has caused countless Kurdish leaders and revolutionaries to carry within them a destructive mindset characterized by disrespect, hatred, intolerance, a fractured spirit, an enemy mindset, and an allegiance with enemies. The result of these tendencies is clear: the Kurdish struggle for freedom has been undermined. Unfortunately, Kurdish leaders, with a few exceptions, have failed to protect the legacy of the Kurdish resistance and have instead continued to fall into these traps. Sadly, the leaders of this era also remain caught in these destructive trends. There is hope, however, that the new generation will reject this destructive legacy. If they do not, they will be rejected by their predecessors and will be erased from history, and the divisions among the Kurds will continue.
It is essential to recognize this genocidal policy of occupation – destructive, inhumane, and with nationalist and patriotic frameworks, and to acknowledge its dangerous influence. If we, as Kurds, adopt a patriotic and national consciousness, we will be able to witness, observe, assess, and foresee the political developments in the Near East, especially in Western Kurdistan. The occupiers of Kurdistan, together with their allies, have been determined to prevent Kurds from achieving their national, linguistic, and cultural rights.
The Turkish state, in its expansionist efforts in Northern Kurdistan, does not only target the Kurds in the north, but also those in all parts of Kurdistan. If a region of Kurdistan gains a potential opportunity for Kurds to achieve their national rights and enjoy international recognition, the occupying states will do everything in their power to prevent it, from economic, political, and military interference to diplomatic pressures. Many examples of this can be found: the Treaty of Lausanne, the Kurdistan Republic (1946), the March 11 Agreement of 1970, the liberation of Southern Kurdistan (1990), and the Kurdish referendum. In the current era, the Turkish state, with its military campaigns, targets all Kurdish parts of Kurdistan and continues its war on Rojava’s Kurds.
The Turkish state, in its diplomatic and international dealings, consistently seeks to prevent the establishment of a “terrorist state” or entity (PKK, YPG) in Western Kurdistan. The Turkish state has repeatedly attempted to weaken and isolate the Kurdish movements of Rojava, by threatening military operations and sabotaging any negotiations that could lead to peace. Salih Muslim, for instance, was invited by Ankara for talks, while at the same time, Abdullah Öcalan, a leader of the PKK, was also engaged in diplomatic discussions with Turkey. The message from Abdullah Öcalan, while supporting Turkish military operations in northern, southern, and western Kurdistan, has been seen as facilitating these oppressions. The PKK does not pose a threat to the Turkish state and other occupying powers but serves as a tool in their broader strategy of disintegrating Kurdish unity.
The goal is clear: the occupiers aim to fragment the Kurdish nation (North, South, East, and West Kurdistan), manipulate the PKK, and use it to their advantage. Kurdish national consciousness and the spirit of Kurdish unity, based on respect for all Kurds, stands firm and declares: “National relations and the protection of Kurdish lands are the highest priorities for all Kurdish organizations, leaders, and revolutionary figures.”
The Kurds are a nation; Kurdistan is their homeland, and their future is tied together.
Turkish officials, in mainstream media, always claim that they once made a mistake, but they will not allow that mistake to be repeated. Their statement, in opposition to southern Kurdistan, remains silent. The question: Did the PKK revolt for the liberation of southern Kurdistan in 1990? No, the Kurds of the south, with their own rebellion and peshmergas, liberated southern Kurdistan. The PKK fought against the Kurds of the south, waged war against the peshmergas; to gain the influence and sympathy of the government and parliament of southern Kurdistan, it declared “parliament” and “state.” Therefore, one can say that Turkish officials distort the truth, disregarding what happened in the south of Kurdistan and the resistance of Kurdish forces in the face of their rebellion.
However, the Turkish state secured the liberation of southern Kurdistan with the Kurds of northern Kurdistan. In exchange: in the early 1990s, four thousand Kurdish villages were destroyed, burned; millions of Kurds were displaced from their lands, causing distress, death, and suffering in the social, economic, and internal areas, which continues until now as an exile. Unfortunately, both the national and Kurdish stances remained silent in the face of this catastrophe.
The goal is: the occupiers of Kurdistan, from the political leaders and administrators of the Kurds, increasingly think and act as Kurds of Kurdistan. In their context about the Kurds, it is clear: the Kurds are a nation, and their country is Kurdistan. With the partition of their country, they have been subjected to genocidal policies, and the Kurds will continue to fight for their national rights and the liberation of Kurdistan. The occupiers consider it in this way and accordingly plan and act.
In the current sensitive situation for the Kurds, one of the positive aspects is that it strengthens hope and provides a dynamic factor for the Kurdish movement, making possible the unification of the Kurds. The political context in the Near East and the interests of regional and world powers (America, France, Germany, and others) who are not interested in the region offer support and welcome to the Kurdish national movement in western Kurdistan. Until now, with an open stance, military, political, and diplomatic strength, Turkish state attacks have failed to break the Kurdish nation’s resistance in western Kurdistan. Military bases have been established in both southern and western Kurdistan. Thus, for unification and a common stance among the Kurds, a political atmosphere of unity has emerged. Along with this, American and French diplomats are working to unite Kurdish groups ENKS and PYNK, and efforts are being made for them to collaborate. But the question remains: why has this golden opportunity arisen for the Kurdish people and what could it mean for the future, especially when efforts are being made by ENKS and PYNK to take it seriously?
In the present political situation, many organizations, intellectuals, and social figures are responsible. For the Kurds, it is possible to resist the attacks of the Turkish state and its allied forces (Arab, Turkmen, and others) by standing firm and protecting their lands. To gain national rights and a political status, it is necessary to be united, with a single message and a unified stance in the fields of politics and diplomacy. Furthermore, it is essential that the Kurdish national military forces strengthen their presence in the region. Additionally, the Kurdish peshmergas must return to the country and unify with the HSD forces to form a united national force.
With regard to the political environment and ideological differences within the ENKS and PYNK, a national stance has entered the field. Many political leaders, intellectuals, and social leaders of Kurdish political organizations are strongly focusing on the need and necessity of Kurdish-Kurdish unity. This strong emphasis has made it a priority. The aim of this unity is: Kurdish organizations should form a united front and move forward with one message and one stance toward Damascus. This is a just and fair demand. The Kurdish nation has not responded to this effort and the international national stance. Throughout Kurdistan (north, east, south, and west), with the political will, meetings, and political and media statements, the Kurdish unity movement has been strongly supported.
The stance and activities continue, providing evidence and validation for the national and true nationalistic awareness. In other words, this effort strengthens national awareness, sharpens the consciousness, and brings the Kurdish people closer together for the national cause, creating one goal and one stance, and mobilizing them.
The enthusiastic welcome of the Kurdish people for unity, with great influence and pressure on many Kurdish political leaders, is evident. In recent days, statements from the ENKS leadership, especially from HSD leader Mazloum Abdi, emphasize the need for Kurdish forces’ unification. President Masoud Barzani has also been supportive of the ENKS leaders, seeing the need for Kurdish organizations in western Kurdistan to find common ground and discuss issues in one voice in Damascus. ENKS leaders also strongly emphasize Kurdish-Kurdish unity. There is strong hope, and it is necessary for the Kurds to support the national unity movement. The Kurds are one nation, Kurdistan is their country, and their solution is a unified one.
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